A Crisis of Global Significance: Iraqi and Syrian Refugees

A Crisis of Global Significance 

A young Syrian-Kurdish boy in Kobane cries for his parents from within a dead, destroyed city. 

Right now Europe and much of the world are in the midst of the greatest refugee crisis in recorded history. Millions of men, women, and children fleeing wars, persecution, and other forms of violence are fleeing by land, sea, and air and seeking out a better life elsewhere. Sometimes this is temporary, other times more permanent. It is my hope that reading this will help establish a base knowledge and understanding for the reader as to why and how so many people are fleeing their homes, and to put into perspective the true nature of human suffering being endured by so many right now.

Syria

Over five years ago a revolution, which became a civil war, began in Syria, in the southern town of Dara'a. The war has been characterized by its widespread use of extremely destructive weapons, including rudimentary barrel bombs, traditional air-delivered ordinance (including cluster and incendiary munitions), artillery, and chemical weapons. Such are the levels of destruction in Syria that many cities look like modern-day recreations of Stalingrad or Berlin circa 1945. In addition to widespread destruction, the war has also seen deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, mostly by government forces. Hospitals, schools, civil defense stations and water pumping plants are routinely targeted, as are marketplaces, mosques, and power generation facilities. Several cities are currently besieged, either by government forces, opposition fighters, or Daesh (ISIS/ISIL/IS). 

Drone footage of Damascus circa 2015

Some of these sieges have been ongoing for years now, with little hope for those trapped in the cities. In opposition-held areas, Russian and Syrian air force aircraft constantly circle overhead, waiting to pick off any vehicle foolish enough to attempt to make deliveries to the cities. In areas besieged by Daesh, such as the city of Deir ez-Zor, air drops of supplies are the only hope for those trapped. And finally, in some areas, UN aid convoys, under the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, have begun delivering some supplies to those in need, but it is nowhere near sufficient. 

One of two supply trucks that arrived in Darayya in early June 2016, maybe a quarter full. 

When the fighting came to each city, many civilians fled to the surrounding countryside to wait out the fighting. Unfortunately, you simply cannot survive off the land in a tent for 5+ years comfortably. Children need to go to school, to play, to grow and to learn. Adults need a job or at least something to do, something with stability and a steady income to provide food, clothing and shelter. Temporary interruptions of normal services won't necessarily upset a life completely; in the United States, for example, in the event of a flood, things might shut down for a while, but within a few weeks services will be restored. Or, perhaps if you are unlucky enough to lose your home to a disaster, the Red Cross will provide you with temporary shelter and often the community comes together to help rebuild. However, after 5+ years of constant bombardment and war, the will of the Syrian people is being tested. 

Barrel bombings of Darayya 

Imagine, if you will, a civil war in your hometown. The fighters may not even be from the local area, as is the case with cities like Aleppo, yet they come to the city to make war and take their stand against the government. The government, in typical fashion, responds with heavy-handed tactics. In their eyes, if you're a civilian living in a rebel-held area, you're with the rebels. And if you're with the rebels, you're with the terrorists. 

Syrian Civil Defense member rescues a child

Over 6 million Syrians are displaced within Syria, with another 6 million having fled the country. To put that in perspective, there were 21 million people living in Syria in 2010. Over half of the country has been displaced from their homes, in addition to the over 470,000 who have been killed, and those who have been injured are often left to die due to lack of adequate medical facilities (which are deliberately targeted, along with assassinations of doctors and nurses). 

Aleppo's children's hospital being bombed, mid-June 2016

Those still left in Syria have several options. They can join the military voluntarily (or the rebel groups, or Daesh for that matter) and serve basically until the war ends. They can wait to be drafted, at which point they are often told the lives of their family members depend on them following orders. Or they can flee, usually on foot. To put this journey into perspective, imagine if you will a civil war in the US. If I were to flee my family home in Oregon, I would need to essentially walk to Alaska to take the same journey (distance-wise) that the Syrian refugees are taking. I personally cannot fathom a situation where walking to Alaska would seem like the most viable, realistic, and hopeful option. Can you? 

Speeding into northern Aleppo along the only remaining road into or out of the city, the Castille Road. Daily airstrikes have made it one of the most dangerous stretches of roadway on the planet, with warplanes arriving out of nowhere and releasing their payload on whomever happens to be on the road at the time. 

After so many years of war and hardship, is it any wonder that many Syrians are looking overseas for a new home? 

Haya Alloush, who was killed by a Syrian air strike on 20 May 2016 in her sleep at 2:00 in the morning. For whatever reason, I don't think she would have been a threat to US national security. 

A man in Maarat Numan, Idlib Province, Syria, stands with the bodies of his five children who, along with his wife, were killed in a Syrian air force airstrike on 12 June 2016.

Media activist Hadi Abdullah (left) and his friend and cameraman Khaled al-Essa. Khaled was killed in June 2016 after a bomb was planted in Hadi's front yard. Hadi is currently in Turkey receiving treatment for his injuries.

Russian Air Force dropping white phosphorus on civilian areas, a war crime. White phosphorus burns anything it touches, burning through skin and down to the bone before going out. Victims are often brought to the hospital with fire and smoke coming from the holes burned in their body. The pain is excruciating and the use of WP for anything other than smoke screening or illumination in non-populated areas is prohibited by international law. 

Iraq

The start of the refugee flow from Iraq can loosely be identified as sometime in 1991/1992. Throughout the 1990s, the United States and the United Nations enforced a strict set of sanctions on Iraq, prohibiting everything from fertilizers and baby formula to pencils, textbooks and notebooks from entering the country. Schools went without supplies, farms failed, and over 1,000,000 children starved to death. Then in March of 2003 the United States and its allies invaded to topple the government of Saddam Hussein, track down weapons of mass destruction, and bring democracy to the people of Iraq. Within days of capturing Baghdad, the United States appointed a man named Paul Bremer to the position of Administrator of the Coalition Provisional Authority (temporary leadership of Iraq). One of Bremer's first actions was to disband the Iraqi army and prohibit any former members of the Ba'ath Party from holding significant positions of power. In a sense, this created a power vacuum whilst simultaneously throwing over 100,000 young, hungry, desperate Iraqi men onto the streets with no real hope for a future and only their guns to provide for them. When jihadists from other countries arrived to take advantage of the chaos, they often offered generous payouts to Iraqis to assist with ambushes, plant improvised explosive devices (IEDs), and generally cause havoc. American forces, often fearing for their own lives, resorted to overwhelming violence to suppress enemies, but often this meant the taking of innocent lives in the crossfire. As a result, many thousands of Iraqis began looking overseas for a new home. 

American "Shock and Awe" tactics on the night of the invasion of Iraq

In 2006, al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI, later the Islamic State of Iraq [ISI] and eventually the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham [ISIS/Daesh]) blew up the al-Askari Mosque in Samarra, triggering a full-blown civil war between Sunnis and Shias in Iraq. In retribution against the minority-Sunni population for crimes committed under Saddam Hussein against Shia citizens (Hussein was a Sunni), the majority-Shia population began using its newfound political power to harass, assault, and eventually kill many thousands of innocent Sunnis. Death squads roamed the cities looking for Sunnis, and Sunni insurgent groups carried out attacks against Shia civilian areas. Al Qaeda succeeded in their mission of sparking a civil war, which would prove extremely difficult for the American forces to handle. 

al-Askari Mosque before and after the al Qaeda bombing

Between the invasion of Iraq and the ensuing chaos and civil war, an estimated 400,000-1,000,000 Iraqis were killed and many more wounded or displaced. Children had limbs blown off by air strikes, houses were destroyed, women sexually assaulted and men often executed or thrown in prison without reason. As a result, the outflow of refugees increased. By early 2007 over 2 million had fled the country, with the final number in 2007 resting at 40% of Iraq's middle class population fleeing overseas to escape the violence. When Daesh captured Mosul in 2014, this stream of refugees turned into a torrent. Millions fled to Iraqi Kurdistan while others fled for Europe, often on foot. They, like their Syrian neighbors, must walk a distance essentially the same as walking across the US, from coast to coast, to escape the destruction and violence. 

Iraqis attempting to surrender to Coalition forces after the soldiers fired on them

The point of this post hasn't been to disturb the reader, rather to paint a picture of what the refugees from just two countries are up against and what makes them want to flee. I understand fears of terrorism, but it is important to keep in mind that these are people who are fleeing the same terrorists we fear. If you were in their position, would you not also want to get the hell out of the region? Bear in mind 50% of the refugees from Syria are children under the age of 18. How can we, a nation of immigrants and refugees, turn away some of the most desperate, deprived people on the planet? 

Then-6 year old Mustafa Ahmed Abed, who lost his leg in an American air strike, playing around at Portland Shriner's Hospital in Portland, Oregon, where he was fitted with a custom prosthetic leg. Today he is 14 years old, has outgrown his leg, and sleeps on the floor in a tent outside Fallujah, which he was forced to flee due to fighting. 

Take Action!

So what can we do? The easiest and most effective way to directly improve the lives of those afflicted by the wars described above is to donate to one of several aid agencies operating in the region. To truly alleviate the refugee crisis we must first end the wars in Syria and Iraq, but in the meantime, food, medical supplies, school supplies, and other essentials can be distributed to those in need. 

Karam Foundation  -- Set up in honor of media activist and cameraman Khaled al-Essa to benefit children in the city of Kafranbel, Syria.

UNHCR -- United Nations High Commission for Refugees donation link 

The White Helmets -- Also known as the Syrian Civil Defense, the White Helmets are a non-aligned, unarmed group of volunteer rescue workers who run toward the bombs to save strangers and friends alike all across Syria. 

Syrian Offensive to Retake Raqqa Ends in Abysmal Failure

SAA T-90 in the Raqqa countryside

On 2 June 2016, the Syrian Arab Army and its allies launched an offensive to capture the capital of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS/ISIL/IS, henceforth Daesh), the city of Raqqa, Syria. After nearly three weeks of fighting, Syrian government forces first advanced to within 7 km of Tabqa Air Base, south of Raqqa. Then, in a series of counterattacks, Daesh managed to rout the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) and its allies, pushing them into full-scale retreat and overrunning their positions in the process. The following is that story in as much detail as is possible at the current moment. The following list shows the units aligned with the Syrian regime in the offensive.

Syrian Arab Republic and Allies 

•  Syrian Armed Forces
•  Syrian Arab Army 
•  Republican Guard
• 103rd Brigade (Syrian Marines) 
•  Suqur al-Sahara (Desert Hawks Brigade) 
• Tiger Forces 
•  4th Armored Division
• 555th Special Forces Regiment 
• 154th Artillery Regiment 
• Unknown Other Components 
•  10th Mechanized Division 
• Unknown Components 
•  National Defense Force 
• Golan Regiment 
•  Syrian Arab Air Force 
• Allied Militias 
•  Ba'ath Brigades 
•  Galilee Forces 
•  Arab Nationalist Guard 
•  Syrian Social Nationalist Party 
•  Russian Armed Forces 
•  Russian Aerospace Forces 
•  Russian Special Operations Forces 

SAA T-62 advancing through the Raqqa countryside, early June 2016

Opposing them were both local and foreign fighters from Daesh, including elements of their special forces units. The Syrian forces, which kicked off the offensive on the 2nd of June, initially found themselves approximately 120 km from the city of Raqqa, but by the end of the first day had already advanced nearly 20 km and captured some small settlements near the edge of the Hama Governorate. Within two days of these gains, the SAA and its allies had advanced to within 47 km of the strategic Tabqa Air Base, former home of the Syrian Arab Air Force (SyAAF)'s 12 Squadron (MiG-21MF/UM) and 24 Brigade (Mi-8). They also entered Ar-Raqqah (Raqqa) Governorate for the first time since their retreat in 2014, and finally captured the small town of Abu Allaj before settling down to wait out a sand storm, which blew in on the morning of the 4th. Under the cover of the sand storm, Daesh counterattacked SAA positions, causing the SAA to retreat and temporarily cede land back to the extremists. By the 6th the regime forces had advanced to within 24 km of Tabqa Air Base and were engaged in heavy fighting near the al-Rasafeh crossroads.

SAA-allied fighters travelling to the front lines of the offensive in an improvised armored pickup truck

SAA equipment being trucked to the front line near Raqqa

Throughout the engagement at al-Rasafeh crossroads, Daesh repeatedly launched counterattacks into the rear areas of the SAA salient, near Ithriyah. These attacks were reportedly repulsed. Control of the al-Rasafeh crossroads is uncertain between the 7th and the 11th, but what is known is that by the 11th the SAA had secured the crossroads enough for Daesh to send a series of five suicide bombers (teenagers) to attack the SAA positions. Four of the five (all of whom were members of the so-called Caliphate Cubs)  managed to detonate their vests, killing about 15 soldiers, while the fifth was captured and found to be only 13 years old. At the same time, the SAA had advanced to within "a few" kilometers of Tabqa Air Base and were awaiting reinforcements before storming the base itself. It was here that the offensive began to stall.

The SAA forces were held back about 15 km from the base for over a week, Receiving reinforcements and more air support from the Russian Air Force (RuAF) and the SyAAF, the SAA and its allies pushed toward the base in earnest once more on the 19th of June. At first things seemed to be going well; Daesh was pushed within 7 km of the base, and the Thawra oil field (located near the base fell to the SAA (only to be recaptured by Daesh, then recaptured again by the SAA within 24 hours). However, starting with a fresh counterattack on the 20th, Daesh managed to recapture both the Thawra oil field and the more southerly Sfaiyeh oil field. More and more reinforcements poured into the whole that had been blown in the SAA's lines, and Daesh fighters rapidly advanced down the road toward the al-Rasafeh crossroads and Highway 42. The crossroads fell within a matter of hours, and by nightfall Daesh was within artillery striking range of the SAA in Albu Allaj.

SAA tank knocked out of action near Raqqa 

Late on 20 June the SAA and its allies began a chaotic, rapid retreat. Weapons were thrown down, tents left standing, vehicles abandoned, and important documents left to be captured. During the retreat, Daesh managed to overrun the retreating SAA forces, inflicting heavy casualties upon them. By the 22nd of June they had retreated to the border of the Governorate, thus ending the offensive. During the hasty retreat, the chief-of-staff of the 10th Mechanized Division, Major General Hassan Saado, was killed by enemy action. All-told, between 40-100 soldiers have been acknowledged as dead, although those numbers may in fact be much higher. According to some reports, the Syrian Marines and the Tiger Force abandoned their comrades in the 555th Special Forces Regiment, leaving some regime sympathizers to begin denying the existence of the 555th altogether.

Perhaps the same vehicle we saw earlier transporting SAA/allied troops to the front

Abandoned SAA tents

The defeat comes as the SAA is in the midst of a large-scale operation in Aleppo while the Kurdish YPG and American-backed SDF push against Daesh in Raqqa and Manbij. Instead of acknowledging the shortcomings of the SAA and coming to terms with the fact that they may not be the reinvigorated fighting force Russian propaganda makes them out to be, regime apologists have begun blaming a lack of proper Russian air support for the failure. This comes despite evidence to the contrary, and simply stinks of an attempt to save face.

International Solidarity: The Case for Supporting Rojava, Part 4

International Solidarity: The Case for Supporting Rojava, Part 4

Flags of the Syrian government, Rojava/Federation of Northern Syria, the Syrian opposition, and the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham

(Continued from Parts 1, 2, and 3)

Over five years ago an uprising in Dara’a, Southern Syria, set into motion the events that would eventually culminate in the multi-front Syrian Civil War we see today. Throughout the conflict one group in particular has stuck to its principles of self-defense, gender equality, democratic leadership and environmental protectionism. This group, the Kurds of Northern Syria (Henceforth Rojava), have taken advantage of the chaos in their country to push for more autonomy and, perhaps, an independent state. My purpose is to convince the reader that increased support of the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) would be beneficial to regional and international goals and thus should be continued and increased. My bias is therefore apparent and must be taken into account. Throughout this post there will be sources linking to YouTube videos; use this to “watch” the Rojava Revolution from beginning to its current state. In the midst of the horror that is the Syrian Civil War there is a single shining glimmer of hope; Rojava, currently engaged in a war for survival and independence whilst simultaneously engaging in a political experiment the likes of which has never been seen before.

Iraqi military Humvee captured by Daesh and converted into a VBIED. The vehicle was captured by the YBŞ outside Shingal, Iraq. 

Daesh is adept at using vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices (VBIEDs), in layman’s terms a car full of bombs driven by a suicidal fighter toward enemy lines. Their humble beginnings were red-and-white Nissan sedans with trunks full of old artillery shells driven at American forces in Iraq during the occupation of that country which began in 2003. More contemporary Daesh VBIEDs feature heavy armor plating, making it nearly impossible to stop them with anything short of an anti-tank guided missile (ATGM), a tank, or an airstrike. Again, as previously stated, Daesh had in their inventory a wide variety of armored vehicles. However, it is important to note that these vehicles do not equate an effective mechanized force on their own. Modern weapons of war require extensive maintenance, repair, and resources. Thus, as many captured tanks and armored personnel carriers ran out of ammunition, they were filled with explosives and driven at YPG lines. Armored recovery vehicles and ambulances were also used in the assaults, along with a plethora of homemade vehicles, from armored garbage trucks to pickup trucks sporting massive anti-aircraft guns. However, perhaps one of the deadliest and most feared weapons on the Daesh inventory is none other than the armored bulldozer. In an interview between the author and an Iraqi Peshmerga member, the details of these vehicles was fully revealed. Essentially a standard bulldozer (or a military bulldozer in some cases) is taken and up-armored with steel plating around vital areas. Then, in some cases, the vehicle is also given concrete reinforcement. Finally it is packed with explosives and sent chugging toward enemy lines. Often ATGMs and tank shells fail to destroy the improvised bulldozers, leaving only airstrikes to prevent them from wreaking havoc on Kurdish lines.

Mad Max meets hell: Daesh armored bulldozer

VBIEDs are used in conjunction with other armored vehicles and infantry waves to overwhelm and shock defenders. Often two or three VBIEDs will be used in quick succession, eliminating layers of defenses and allowing Daesh fighters to infiltrate behind Kurdish defenses. After Daesh began massacring Yazidi civilians in Shingal, Iraq, the United States, as previously mentioned, began bombing the terrorist group on behalf of Baghdad. In late September 2014, that focus shifted to include Syria as well, and on 27 September the first airstrike was carried out by an American F-15E near Kobanê, targeting a Daesh building and two armored vehicles (possibly VBIEDs).

American F-15 is refueled over Syria en-route to strike Daesh targets

Despite the airstrikes, Daesh continued to shell the city. The following day, 28 September, over 1,500 Kurdish fighters arrived from Turkey to join the fight.  As October arrived, soldiers inside Kobanê proper began preparing for increased urban combat as the fighting came closer and closer to the city center. Sandbag emplacements were installed and heavily defended, but in the end a lack of ammunition and heavy weaponry led the YPG to retreat from outlying city positions. As YPG forces retreated, Daesh moved in and immediately began embarking on a campaign of ethnic cleansing, torture, and crimes against humanity. Thousands crowded the Turkish border crossing, where Turkish troops were deployed but not ordered to intervene. Stories of children having their hearts cut out of their chests and elderly persons being brutally beaten and murdered spread like wildfire, adding to the panic at the border. Captured fighters, particularly women of the YPJ, were beaten, often raped, and beheaded. The true brutality of Daesh really came out in their campaign against Kobanê and reminded the Kurds what they were fighting for.

Airstrike in Kobanê

The use of suicide bombers was not unique to Daesh. In rare desperation, a Kurdish woman was used as a suicide bomber against IS positions, killing at least a dozen. Nine days into October and the YPG was running low on ammunition and other supplies. Outnumbered and outgunned, the situation looked dire as Daesh fighters began setting fire to Kobanê to create a smoke screen designed to thwart the prying eyes of the Coalition. Quick to adapt, Daesh began dressing fighters up in YPG uniforms, flying YPG flags from their motorcycles (which they began using to ferry ammunition around the city), and driving tanks into the city under the cover of smoke and darkness. 40% of Kobanê was captured by 10 October. By the 15th of October the fighting had spread to the Turkish/Syrian border crossing, which Daesh assaulted at least four times. Over the course of four days (between the 13th and the 17th) the coalition launched over 53 airstrikes against Daesh in and around Kobanê alone. On the 19th, the first Coalition airdrops of supplies to YPG forces took place, with supplies coming from Iraqi Kurdistan as well as Coalition countries.

Turkish tanks and civilians watch the battle from the safety of the Turkish side of the border 

In early September a joint-operations room had been founded, comprising of the YPG/YPJ and elements of the FSA. This coalition, known as Euphrates Volcano, was announced on 10 September 2014. Euphrates Volcano is comprised of the following groups, along with the YPG and the YPJ: the Islamic Front (Aleppo Division), Tawhid Brigade (Northern Sector), Jaysh al-Thuwar, Jabhat al-Akrad, Kita’ib Shams al-Shamal, Liwa Thuwar ar-Raqqa, Liwa al-Jihad fi Sabeel Allah, Saraya Jarablus, Tahrir Brigade, Jaysh al-Qasas, and Liwa Amna ar-Raqqa. On 29 October, FSA fighters began arriving via Turkey, the first time Turkey had allowed non-Syrian Kurds to cross the border to fight. In addition to FSA reinforcements, comrades from Iraqi Kurdistan began crossing the border with Syria (of which they had controlled the northern section of for about a month) and arriving via Turkey, bringing with them much-needed heavy equipment.

YPG T-54/55 and an MT-LB

As more Kurdish defenders streamed into the city, the once-thriving Kobanê turned into a meatgrinder. Daesh began pulling forces from other areas of Syria and throwing them into the offensive, desperate not to let their assault die out. By November the situation had reached its worst point, with 60% of the city under Daesh control. The Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) began sending more fighters and equipment across the border to bolster Syrian Kurdish forces, and by the end of November the tides had begun to turn. Coalition airstrikes, along with reinforcements and resupply, bloodied the nose of Daesh, who stubbornly refused to back down from the confrontation. To some this inability to throw in the towel, so to speak, was surprising. To others it was absolutely expected.

A man in the remains of Kobanê

Daesh was formed partially by former Iraqi Ba’ath party members, many of whom were in the Iraqi military. The Iraqi military, while historically decent at logistics and supply operations, suffered when it came to tactical battlefield decision making. During their numerous wars with Israel, Iraqi forces often brought more than enough equipment, ammunition and fuel, but junior officers failed their troops. Furthermore, as evidenced at the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war, Iraqi generals lacked originality and would refuse to guard their flanks. Forces were sent into enemy territory with no reconnaissance done, with no flank guards, and while they did well when facing an enemy head-on (and the Iranians did suffer in early head-on battles), simply maneuvering to the sides of the massed Iraqi armor would allow Iranian forces to attack the weaker parts of the armored columns, routing them time and again. When frustrated by a lack of action, Iraqi forces under Saddam Hussein would launch large-scale chemical weapons attacks against the masses of Iranian infantry, who were lightly armed and poorly trained. This tactic would rear its ugly head several more times before Saddam was ultimately removed from power.

A fighter atop a building in Kobanê

 Again during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and subsequent action against American and Coalition forces, while some Iraqi soldiers fought tenaciously and bravely, the majority were routed simply due to a lack of military intelligence and combined arms abilities. After the war, Shia and Kurdish minorities in the south and north of Iraq (respectively) rose up at the urging of the US, only to be brutally put down by Saddam’s security forces. This was hardly the first time the Iraqi military had been used against the Kurds; the Iraqi government and Kurdish citizens had battled several times throughout the short history of the Mesopotamian nation-state. Thus, animosity among Saddam’s men toward the Kurds was widespread, especially among military officers.

Destroyed Iraqi government tank in the streets of Basra

During the 2003 invasion of Iraq, loyalist forces under President Hussein often fought to the bitter end; the Fedayeen Saddam, created after the first Gulf War to help bolster the Iraqi regime against internal threats, along with some members of the Republican Guard, stood against nearly impossible odds and fought the Coalition invaders, dying in their thousands while doing next-to-nothing for the war effort itself. These tactics can still be seen in use against forces like the YPG today.
As reinforcements and supplies continued to come in from abroad, Daesh went on the defensive. Several attempted advances were halted with air support and the extremist forces were pushed back. By the end of December, Daesh was barely holding onto the city, and a series of rapid advances in early January proved to be the final blow against the organization in Kobanê. On January 26th, the YPG announced the liberation of Kobanê and the beginning of their clean-up operations in the town.

And boy do they have their work cut out for them

As Kobanê proved, local Kurdish and allied forces, supported by American and Coalition airstrikes could prove absolutely lethal to Daesh. September - October 2014’s airstrikes alone totalled the following:

• September 2014 -- Building (1); Armed Vehicle (3); Artillery (1); Tank (1);
• October 2014 -- Checkpoint (2);  Fighting Position (6); Armed Vehicle (33); Tank (3); Other (59); Artillery (2); Supply Depot (1); Building (30)
• November 2014 -- Other (100); Armed Vehicle (8); Building (6);

In those three months alone (and September barely counts), it is clear to see the impact the coalition made on Daesh’s operational capabilities. The strikes target a wide variety of targets beyond VBIEDs as mentioned earlier, including buildings, machine gun nests, sniper positions, training centers, artillery positions, fighting positions, checkpoints, and other military infrastructure. Continuation of these strikes, with an emphasis on limited or eliminating altogether civilian casualties, is a must for the United States and the global coalition (CJTF-OIR). Without continued air support, the tides could just as easily shift against the YPG and back into the hands of Daesh. As recently as May 2016 Daesh has been on the offensive, showing their ability to gain ground is still intact.

Airstrike outside Kobanê

In a move heavily supported politically by the United States, on 10 October 2015 a new organization was founded in Northern Syria, the Syrian Democratic Forces, or SDF. The SDF is comprised of, on top of the YPJ/YPG, the following groups: The Syrian Arab Coalition, members of the Shammer tribal militias, the Al-Sanadid Forces, the former Euphrates Volcano, Army of Revolutionaries, the Northern Sun Battalion, the Martyrs of Dam Brigade, Liwa Jund Al Haramayn, Martyr Kaseem Al Areef Battalion, Jabhat al-Akrad, Seljuq Brigade, Liwa Thuwwar al-Raqqa, Jaish al-Salam, Furat Jarablus, New Syrian Forces, Liwai 99 Musat, Brigade Groups of Al-Jazira, Euphrates Martyr’s Battalion, Free Jarabulus Battalion, Liwa Ahrar al-Raqqah, A-lShaitat tribal militia members,Liwaa Siqur El-Badiye, Manbij Turkmen Brigade, the Syriac Union Party, the Syriac Military Council, and Sutoro.

Flag of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) 

Through air strikes, the Western powers can show their political and military support of Rojava and express their will to support Kurdish self-determination. One of the deciding factors in any military intervention should without a doubt be the thought of political repercussions; that is to say, if the Russians oppose supporting a group of fighters, supporting them anyway hurts relations with Russia. In the case of the PYD (And via them the YPG/YPJ), there is no real danger of hurting relations with Russia. In fact, the only real negative side to said support would be relations with Turkey. Turkey is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and is thus a close American ally. As the YPG is a sister organization of the PKK, it can be seen as supporting the PKK to support the YPG.
In order to secure Turkish support for such a venture, the United States would need to either (1) find a way to guarantee materials will not end up in the hands of the PKK, (2) provide only air support and no ground support, or (3) refuse to support Rojava altogether. Anti-tank missile systems, such as the BGM-71 TOW, would help the YPG combat Daesh’s heavy equipment, but would also allow the PKK to destroy Turkish tanks in combat. In an attempt to circumvent this issue, the United States could provide advanced defensive systems to Turkey for use on tanks and other armored fighting vehicles, technology from the currently-deployed US M1A2SEP2 Abrams main battle tank which could easily be converted to Turkey’s extensive fleet of Leopard I and M60 main battle tanks. Turkey’s own domestic tank, the Altay, could be supplemented with advanced technology, making it nearly invulnerable to most BGM-71 TOW systems (older ones, at least).

BGM-71 TOW 

Recently the Iraqi military embarked on a campaign to liberate the al-Rutbah area of western Iraq. In the attacks the Iraqi military used extensive close air support and flanking tactics, tactics the Iraqi military previously was unable to pull off. As the war has progressed in Iraq and Syria, repeatedly it has been proven that when faced with a competent military utilizing close air support, Daesh can be defeated. This was evidenced recently at al-Rutbah and Ramadi in Iraq, and Palmyra in Syria. The SDF provides a vessel through which American and coalition influence can be exerted via air strikes and supply drops, along with embedded trainers.

The Iraqi flag hoisted above Ramadi

A major part of US efforts, however, will need to be political and diplomatic. In order to properly carry out attacks in Syria, the US must secure peace between the PKK and the Turkish government. This must be done or any efforts will be in vain as Kurdish forces loyal to the PKK may trickle back into Turkey, prompting a Turkish invasion of Rojava. Real, solid negotiations are required and much political maneuvering must be achieved. It will take a skillful set of politicians in the US to accomplish this, making the upcoming election even more important.
Furthermore, negotiations between Rojava and the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq must be worked out. The two sides are at least amicable at the current time, but it is anybody’s guess as to how long that will last.

Two weapons next to a child's toy in Kobanê

In closing, it is important to bear in mind the key role airstrikes and supply drops have had on the battlefield. Without them, Kobanê surely would have fallen. If the coalition is to see success in the upcoming (currently-underway as of this writing) operation to retake Raqqa, they will surely need to continue supporting local forces such as the SDF and in particular the YPG. This means more heavy weaponry, medical supplies, and other forms of equipment on top of continuing airstrikes in the region. For these purposes it is recommended to deploy a carrier battle group or additional USAF assets to the region. However, the impetus must be on reducing and eliminating civilian casualties, similar to the NATO campaign in Libya. Surplus armored bulldozers should be delivered to the SDF, along with anti-mine equipment and the training on how to use the advanced equipment. A possible (unlikely) scenario would see US and Russian military sappers working side-by-side in Syria behind the SDF, clearing IEDs from the countryside as the Kurdish and allied forces advance.

Russian sappers near Palmyra

The potential for a stable, democratic and popularly-supported Rojava is real. The world needs to recognize this opportunity at a unique political experiment, a federal system which may prove to be the foundation for solving other issues (such as Israel/Palestine, Morocco/Western Sahara, etc.). In order to allow this system to develop, the world must also stand in support of the local forces in the area and provide them with the equipment, training and military support necessary to defeat Daesh and protect the Kurdish lands.

As of this writing, the following is taking place: Twin offensives in Iraq against Mosul and Fallujah, and twin offensives in Syria against Manbij and Raqqa. Raqqa is being assaulted from both the north (by the SDF) and the south (by the SAA). These battles will be decided in the coming weeks and months.


(Most photos courtesy Reuters)